Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit: Signs of a new world

The 2025 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, held in Tianjin, China, has been described as the organization’s largest gathering since its establishment in 2001.

With the participation of more than 20 world leaders, including the heads of state of China, Russia, India, Iran, Pakistan, Belarus, and Central Asian countries, as well as representatives of international organizations such as the United Nations and ASEAN, the summit became a stage for showing solidarity and strengthening multilateralism.

The main agendas of the summit included strengthening economic, security, and technological cooperation, establishing the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Development Bank, developing energy platforms, and expanding the use of digital systems such as the BeiDou satellite. China, as the host and main driving force, sought to strengthen its role as a hub for economic and technological stability in Asia and the global South by proposing the establishment of the SCO Development Bank and allocating 2 billion yuan (about $281 million) in grants and 10 billion yuan in loans over the next three years.

The summit also sought to establish a coherent framework for multilateral cooperation by signing 25 cooperation documents, including the Tianjin Declaration, the organization’s development strategy until 2035, and agreements in the areas of security, counter-narcotics, artificial intelligence, and sustainable development.

These measures emphasize not only strengthening economic and security ties but also signal an effort to create a global order that resists Western unilateralism, especially U.S. policies.

But many experts believe that the summit was more than a regional gathering. The event served as a mirror reflecting profound changes in the global order and signs of a transition from a unipolar structure dominated by the West to a multipolar world centered on emerging powers in Asia and the global South.

At the summit, China, as the host and driving force, presented itself as an economic and political stabilizer against aggressive U.S. trade policies by proposing the establishment of an SCO Development Bank, allocating billions of yuan in grants and loans, and emphasizing cooperation in the areas of energy, digital technology, and infrastructure.

The move comes as the United States has increasingly portrayed itself as untrustworthy by many trading powers, imposing heavy tariffs on its trading partners, including India, and threatening sanctions on countries like Russia.

Meanwhile, China is capitalizing on the global turmoil to position itself as a hub for trade and technology in Asia and the global South. The summit was an opportunity for member states, including Russia, Iran, and Central Asian countries, along with dialogue partners like Indonesia, to strengthen a multilateral approach to counter Western unilateralism.

Confronting Western hegemony

The Tianjin Declaration, which condemned the Israeli and US military attacks on Iran and the leaders’ emphasis on opposing “hegemonic power” and “Cold War mentality,” was a clear sign of a collective will to redefine the rules of the global game. This message was reinforced when Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, hand in hand with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, created a symbolic image of the convergence of Eastern powers against the Western axis.

This convergence took on a deeper meaning, especially in China-India relations, which had been plagued for years by border disputes and geopolitical rivalries. Xi and Modi’s meeting on the sidelines of the summit, Modi’s first visit to China in seven years, was a turning point in reducing bilateral tensions.

Signs of a strategic shift emerged when Xi spoke of the need for partnership rather than competition, and Modi welcomed the “space of peace and stability” between the two countries. The announcement of the resumption of direct flights between the two countries, which had been suspended since deadly border clashes in 2020, was a practical step in that direction.

The rapprochement comes as India, under pressure from 50 percent U.S. tariffs on Russian oil, faces its worst crisis in relations with Washington in more than a quarter of a century. The situation has pushed India to deepen ties with China while preserving its traditional ties with Russia, a move that has profound implications not only for New Delhi but for the entire global order.

This tendency toward multilateralism, evident in the behavior of India and even Indonesia at the Tianjin summit, reflects a larger reality: countries are no longer willing to depend on a single power.

Indonesia, by maintaining trade relations with the United States while strengthening ties with China and Russia, is an example of this balancing strategy. This approach, in which countries seek to diversify their partners, is gradually undermining the foundations of the unipolar order.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, covering nearly 60 percent of Eurasia and 25 percent of global GDP, has provided a platform for this diversification. Proposals such as the creation of a currency swap fund, the expansion of settlements in national currencies, and the development of transit corridors such as Iran’s Chabahar port, which could connect China, Russia, and India, are signs of efforts to reduce dependence on the dollar and create a multipolar financial order.

Iran, as one of the new members of the Shanghai Organization, was an active participant in the summit, presenting itself as a strategic bridge in this emerging order by proposing the “SCO Special Accounts and Settlements” initiative and emphasizing the role of Chabahar Port.

The organization’s members’ firm support for Iran against Western military attacks has strengthened Tehran’s position as a key player in this new structure. This convergence, along with China’s efforts to create the SCO Development Bank and energy platforms, signals the emergence of an economic and political axis that could offer an alternative to Western-dominated institutions such as the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund.

However, can this convergence lead to a lasting alliance between China and India? The potential for such an alliance is undeniable, given the two countries’ complementary economies and huge populations.

As the world’s two largest and most populous economies, China and India could engage in extensive cooperation in trade, technology, and infrastructure. Joint pressure from the United States, particularly tariffs and sanctions, has provided an incentive for this cooperation. But there are also obstacles.

Border disputes in the Himalayas, which have yet to be fully resolved, and China’s close ties with India’s long-standing rival Pakistan, cast a shadow of distrust over bilateral relations. India is also cautiously seeking to preserve its strategic independence and is unlikely to fully commit to a China-led axis.

The early exit of the Indian delegation from the summit before the Victory Day ceremony, which marked the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, was a sign of this caution. Nevertheless, the Tianjin summit showed that the world is shedding its skin.

The symbolic displays, such as the grand welcome for Putin or the massive illuminations in Tianjin, were only part of the message. The real message lay in the collective commitment to multilateralism, in the signing of 25 cooperation documents, and in the will to create a more just and balanced world.

The summit was not only a platform for the power of China and Russia, but also a stage for the emergence of players like India and Iran, who are redefining their place in the new world order. These developments, although gradual, indicate the gradual decline of Western hegemony and the rise of a multipolar world in which the voices of the East and the Global South are heard louder than ever.