Australia’s blood-stained hands in Gaza massacre

A new investigative report published by Declassified Australia in partnership with Ditch exposes extensive and continuing exports of military equipment from Australia to the occupied territories.

The report is based on earlier disclosures by both outlets, but it is by no means the most comprehensive document about the material component of Australia’s involvement in the killing of Palestinians in Gaza by the Israeli regime.

Beyond exposing the government’s and its leaders’ falsehoods in denying such support, the report’s findings strengthen the allegation that Canberra is culpable of materially aiding war crimes — itself a violation of international law.

The report shows that such exports continued after Declassified’s first disclosure in July and amid growing awareness of Australia’s direct role in supporting Israel’s war machine.

According to the report, the latest shipment of F-35 fighter parts was loaded into the cargo hold of a scheduled passenger flight from Sydney to the occupied territories about two weeks before it left Sydney.

This shipment was part of trade that took place during the two years of the genocide. Confidential transport records forming the basis of the report list a total of 68 consignments of F-35 fighter parts that flew directly from Australia to the occupied territories between October 2023 and September 2025.

Notably, the transport records indicate that the number of F-35 parts shipments sent directly from Australia to the occupied territories rose sharply immediately after Israel began bombing Gaza on the night of 7 October 2023. In November 2023 alone, ten separate consignments were sent from Australia to the occupied territories.

This suggests that, far from being accidental or routine, there is a direct link between Australian exports and Israel’s military efforts.

October and November 2023 witnessed one of the most brutal phases of the genocide, centered on Israel’s F-35 fighter jets. These jets indiscriminately dropped munitions on residential buildings and Gaza’s infrastructure, including hospitals, in an initial campaign aimed at making Gaza uninhabitable and preparing for the destruction of Palestinian society.

The World Socialist Web Site wrote that the Australian government’s attempts to send parts to the Israeli military indicate an effort to ensure the continuation of the bombardment.

At the time, Anthony Albanese, Australia’s prime minister, despite his recent baseless claims of concern about mass killings, was among the staunchest international supporters of the assault.

Despite the Labor Party’s recent recognition of Palestine and calls for a ceasefire, sending military goods to the occupied territories guarantees that the capacity to kill Palestinians will continue unhindered. In other words, these exports expose the hollowness of the Australian government’s rhetoric and reveal it as action aimed at cynically managing damage control.

Declassified reports that of the 68 documented consignments, 51 are listed with the postal code 8955000 in Israel, showing the final recipient as Nevatim with postal code 8955000. This address matches Nevatim Air Base, located in the Negev Desert of Israel and the home base of the Israeli Air Force’s F-35 Squadron 3.

Notably, the most recent consignment originated in Williamtown, Australia — the base for Australia’s own F-35 fleet — and was sent via Sydney Airport directly to Nevatim.

Over the past two years the Australian government has offered a string of contradictory excuses for its continued trade with the Israeli regime.

In late July, after Declassified’s initial report, Penny Wong, Australia’s foreign minister, was questioned in parliament about the exports. In an angry response she claimed those shipments included only “non-lethal” parts. Yet it is obvious that components that help an aircraft function and enable it to drop bombs on civilians are lethal.

Declassified recalled another contradictory response last year from a senior Australian defence official who claimed many of the exports were not exports at all but were sent to the occupied territories for repair or maintenance and then returned to Australia.

That explanation is undermined by the latest report. Not only are parts being sent directly to the main F-35 base of the occupying force, but the nature of those parts makes it unlikely they were sent merely for repair.